Protecting or Ensuring the Health and Safety of Employees

Chapter by chapter guide Exhibit duty Develop preparing program Inspect the working environment Conclusion Works Cited Protecting or guaranteeing the wellbeing and security of representatives who are legitimately influenced by the exercises inside the association is a significant piece of hazard the executives. The representatives are the most significant asset and the last one that decide the presentation of the association after different variables have been fulfilled (Werner DeSimone 10).Advertising We will compose a custom contextual investigation test on Protecting or Ensuring the Health and Safety of Employees explicitly for you for just $16.05 $11/page Learn More Therefore, systems that ought to be executed to secure their wellbeing and wellbeing ought cover the unique circumstance, yet should be viable. Whoever imagines the activity isn't a higher priority than the one it influences. I guess that the discussion about wellbeing and security ought to be on how the expected meth odology is refreshing among the subjects as opposed to on its apparent results. Thereason is that, the adequacy exclusively relies upon the readiness of the subjects to add to the activity. The systems ought to in this manner be those that start inspirations and build up positive connection between the deliverer and the subject. The acknowledgment here is that the human asset the board is as significant as the representatives in securing the wellbeing and wellbeing of the workers, and the best proposals are those that influence bothcontexts. Show duty Hawkins (2) proposes that the arrangement of wellbeing and security of the laborers is the obligation ofparties limited by authoritative strategies, objectives and mission. The wellsprings of risky condition ought not be viewed as to start from the framework that caused it or the bombed obligation of a worker, yet directly from outside components that could have been considered in forestalling it. For example, another flawed machine th at causes a mishap could be the shortcoming of the administrator or the director just as the disappointment of the authoritative bodies to submit them in observing that the engineers of such machines cling to quality details. Duty for all including the general public which can dissent if an office is seen to chance the soundness of the individuals is a solid proposal in guaranteeing wellbeing and security for all. At the point when limited, corporate duty is generally significant in giving wellbeing and security of the laborers. It can never be contended that the achievement can happen without including the partners. Wellbeing and security is an issue that requires information and expertise support, moral help, and budgetary help. At this crossroads, the job of human asset division is to interface the representatives with the higher chains of importance of administration. While the workers are in the best situation to secure them, the way to do that generally originates from above. The responsibility of the administration and the board will make them to esteem the representatives and in the long run be eager to upgrade their working environment.Advertising Looking for contextual investigation on business financial matters? How about we check whether we can support you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The impacts of corporate responsibility on wellbeing and security of representatives is found on account of North Staffordshire Combines Healthcare NHS Trust (HSE, 3). In the wake of confronting improvement focuses on, the board set out an entire framework way to deal with oversee dangers giving one of the executives responsibilityfor directing the wellbeing and security in the association. This prompted a superior and significantly better wellbeing and security framework that empowers in distinguishing and overseeing corporate dangers, a straightforward culture, and upgrades in revealing and observing. In such a situation there stays just the commitm ent of the representatives to guarantee their wellbeing and security. Worker responsibility is additionally significant as it gives the last take during the time spent guaranteeing wellbeing and security of the working environment (Karmis 181). Regardless of how the administration is submitted, the workers must be prepared to acknowledge what is managed. Their responsibility implies even their endeavors to help the administration comprehend the ground issues regarding wellbeing and security. This is a premise of the contention that the workers have the sole obligation to ensure themselves. As noted before be that as it may, the methods and inspiration must originate from elsewhere. Laborers humble themselves so as to convey their obligations in order to get by and may never know about the dangers related with their workplace. Create preparing program We all do what we know and improve our exhibition through learning new things just as returning to the old ones. Thus, the workers wil l do what they think about wellbeing and security and improve in that setting through inclining new things. Moreover, working condition and the types of gear related continue changing and subsequently require new information so as to adjust well. In this manner preparing is significant in ensuring the wellbeing and security of the representatives. The more the representatives learn better approaches to ensure themselves, the better they shape their work places. It isn't ethically upstanding for the administration to expect that the representatives are sheltered at their working environments when there is no push to give them what ought to be finished. The significant job of HR is guaranteeing that the workers are agreeable enough to perform to the desires for the association. Regarding wellbeing and security, this solace intends to arm the workers with the fundamental abilities and information through orderly training.Advertising We will compose a custom contextual analysis test on Protecting or Ensuring the Health and Safety of Employees explicitly for you for just $16.05 $11/page Learn More the reality of the matter is that the chiefs probably won't comprehend the circumstance at the ground level or probably won't feel the genuine load of the issue, yet they have the focal job to associate the representatives with the vital assets. The business setting is very extraordinary as the tutoring procedure begins from the HR office. Most workers will honestly look for an exhortation from the HR clique and consequently forcing an ethical commitment on HR to help their freedom as far as wellbeing and security through preparing. The majority of the administration individuals inside an association think about the essential wellbeing and security suggestions, and to be sure have the assets to find out about them. Consequently, it beats rationale to contend that the individuals ought to delegateall the wellbeing and security obligations to their representatives. As per t he hard working attitudes, pioneers are responsible to the prosperity of their representatives and should never come when they leave this duty. They would rather start programs for preparing to make the representatives increasingly autonomous and simple to oversee, and the best projects will be planned when there adequate information about the working environment. Assess the work environment Regular investigation of the working environment and the related frameworks shapes the stage for the administration to settle on viable choices concerning wellbeing and security. This is on the grounds that suggestions, for example, preparing start from the discoveries of an assessment work out. The human asset has the job of gathering however much data as could reasonably be expected about the experience and view of the representatives on their work environments. In spite of the fact that, the representatives may require the association to give a sound and safe condition, it isn't accurate that the majority of them know the perfect workplace. Unquestionably, they are very little mindful of the wellbeing and security issue encompassing their workplace. This is on the grounds that, as whatever other individual who gets used to a similar spot, the workers will in general accept the numerous indications of dangers. Customary examinations may likewise stir the acknowledgment in the representatives that the association in concerned and turn out to be increasingly capable when working. Truth be told numerous mishaps and mistakes prompting wellbeing perils coming about because of the lack of regard of the representatives can be decreased through standard investigation. Mindful that the administration has assumed its job in guaranteeing wellbeing and protections, the representatives are tested to add to the dilemma.Advertising Searching for contextual analysis on business financial aspects? How about we check whether we can support you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Find out More As individuals, the representatives can't plunk down and watch everything being accomplished for their prosperity. They will for sure be inspired to ascend and play their particular jobs and for the conditions outside their ability to control, they will have the option to press their necessities forward in confidence that they will be managed. Their ethical position will move others and the whole association towards securing their wellbeing and wellbeing. End Protecting the security and strength of the representatives is an exertion that calls for organization from all the gatherings in question. Their dedication and particularly that of the human asset the board guarantees that the workers have availability to the fitting methods. These methods which are encouraged by the association everywhere should meet a workforce which is set up to misuse them. Along these lines, preparing gets significant in setting up the representatives to work freely towards a solid and safe condition. What 's more, the customary investigation of the workplace empowers the administration to settle on better choices while simultaneously reassuring the representatives to take obligations. In spite of their comprehension of the circumstance, its absolutely impossible that the workers can guarantee solid and safe condition all alone. Works Cited Hawkins, Leslie.Tolley’s Guide to Managing Employee Health. London, UK: Taylor Francis, 2003. Wellbeing and Safety Executive. â€Å"Leading wellbeing and security at work†. 17 October, 2011. http://www.hse.gov.uk/pubns/indg417.pdf Karmis, Michael. Mine wellbeing and security the executives. SME, 2001 Werner, Jon and DeSimone Randy. Human

Abortion in America Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Fetus removal in America - Essay Example The primary example was of Connecticut which condemned fetus removal in the year 1821. Indeed, even in the instances of assault and interbreeding, recording a police first examination report was an essential. Anyway a lady with the name of Norma L. Mcorvay documented an appeal against the fetus removal laws which filled up the extraordinary discussion of genius life versus master decision In June 1969, Mcorvay discovered that she was pregnant with her third kid and promptly chose to have a fetus removal. Anyway because of its criminalization she was unable to complete it at any emergency clinic. She was encouraged to enroll as an assault casualty, anyway it didn't occur there was no police report about the supposed occurrence. In 1970, two legal advisors by the name of Coffee and Weddington recorded a request against the laws condemning fetus removal. The legal advisors spoke to Mccorvay under the pseudonym of Jane Roe while the Texas state was spoken to by Henry Wade (Mohr). Prior t o the beginning of the lawful procedures, Roe surrendered that she had not been assaulted and that case was really implied as a supplication to give opportunity to ladies in regards to their own decisions. After numerous hearings a choice was at long last reported on January 22, 1973. The court made premature birth one of the key rights under the US constitution, denoting the start of another period (Hoffer and Hoffer). There were numerous proposition including the proposition of practicality which said that a lady can just have premature birth until the baby in her belly isn't feasible. By suitable, it implied that the baby could make due outside the mother’s body. Anyway a significant part of the opportunity was conceded to ladies and she could have a fetus removal in the wake of counseling a doctor. . The case raised a red hot discussion in the legal circles as well as among political and social gatherings. On one hand, the choice was proclaimed as a triumph for ladies rig hts while then again it came out as a hit to the adherents of star life. The choice was disputable and still an enormous populace of the nation accepts that it ought to be returned. Maybe the greatest stun to the entire genius life versus master decision banter was managed by Mcorvay herself when she uncovered in 1995 that she had become a defender of professional life (Bergel). From that point forward she has spoken straightforwardly against fetus removal and even documented petitions to upset the choice, which didn't yield any definitive outcome. In the light of the above contentions, it can decently effectively be said that the issue is an extremely confounded one since premature birth doesn't just influence the physical prosperity of ladies yet additionally mental and passionate prosperity. Along these lines there should be an intensive investigation of the factual information about people’s feelings just as a sound logical examination before any further choice in such ma nner is taken. Albeit the two sides of the discussion has solid focuses, I accept that fetus removal ought not be legitimized except if in the most limits of cases. There are numerous types of contraception accessible including, early morning pill and condoms; thusly undesirable pregnancies can without much of a stretch be evaded if these preventative measures are taken. Authorization of fetus removal really disparages the conceptive capacity of sex and tasks it just as a methods for having joy. This empowers unprotected sex since undesirable origination can without much of a stretch be prematurely ended making a more noteworthy number of individuals be at a danger of reaching explicitly transmitted ailments. Since legitimization of premature birth presents to a greater extent a danger as opposed to help to the general prosperity of ladies, it should just is lawful in outrageous cases. For instance, in a circumstance like assault where the origination really helps the ladies to reme mber the injury and puts a negative effect on her mental prosperity, premature birth ought to be legitimized. Likewise in certain pregnancies, some extraordinary

Beacon Hill in the Fall

Beacon Hill in the Fall .condensedlines{line-height: 10%;font-size: 20%;} Northeast of the more frequently mentioned Harvard Bridge is the Longfellow Bridge, which connects MIT to Boston from the Stata Center side of campus. Here is the view from the Longfellow Bridge from the MIT side. MIT is behind us, the Charles River is below us, and Boston is in front of us. One of my favorite places in the world is the gold hill under the Financial District, to the right at the Boston end of the bridge. Beacon Hill is vines and fire escapes up brick walls, streetlights leaning against steep slopes on narrow brick and stone streets; it is hidden alleyways, tiny doors, and secret gardens we aren’t allowed into. It is my and Cory’s favorite place to go when we need an escape, especially in the late evening hours just before midnight. Beacon Hill is very quiet for a neighborhood in a city. Vines reach up into the darkness. Trees whisper above us. The yellow streetlights barely color the grasses between the cobblestones, and happy laughter flutters down to us at street level from upstairs in the houses and patios overlooking secret courtyards. Being here at night is like dreaming. Pretty houses, pretty fencesâ€"it is our unattainable, magical red-green village. Here are some photos of Beacon Hill this fall.                             Here is Charles Street, the louder main street from which the others climb up. *       * Period Furniture Hardware, in the fourth photo, has a vast display of doorknobs facing the street. I am sharing it with you because 1. There is a store on Charles Street that partly specializes in doorknobs, cabinet knobs, faucet handles, and other knobs. This is almost as impressively specific as the store in Harvard Square that specializes in bees (one of our favorite stores). 2. I absolutely hate doorknobs. Here is the Longfellow Bridge again, now facing Cambridge. MIT is just to the left of the frame.   And the east side of MIT.

The Decision by Supreme Court Concerning the Jones v Kernott Case Free Essay Example, 2500 words

Leonard Kernott and Patricia Jones started cohabiting in 1983 and had two children. They purchased a family home in joint names at 39 Badger Hall Avenue for 30,000 in 1984. The couple lived in this home for around eleven years. Upon separation of the two in 1993, Kernott deserted their family home, while the claimant stayed with children in the house. Jones did not apply for the Child Support Agency. Kernott quit making mortgage contribution to the property and demonstrated little commitment towards maintaining their two children. Their joint effort in selling the property for 70,000 in October 1995 was unsuccessful. The parties, however, cashed in on mutually owned insurance policy, of which the proceeds were shared equally. Kernott used his share to mortgage a house at 114 Stanley Road in Essex for around 57,000. Jones used her share to perform cosmetic surgery. Kernott invoked correspondence in order to claim his share of the property at 39 Badger Hall Avenue. In 2007, Jones f iled a lawsuit against Kernott s claim for a joint share of the property (Mee 2012). We will write a custom essay sample on The Decision by Supreme Court Concerning the Jones v Kernott Case or any topic specifically for you Only $17.96 $11.86/page The decision was that the parties were entitled to an equal share of the property at 39 Badger Hall Avenue. This was based on finding that the intention of the parties was unchanged. Jones had filed an appeal to the Supreme Court, which led to the restoration of Strauss s decision (Yip 2012; Mee 2012).

Tom Brennan Character Profile - 875 Words

Characters in ‘The Story of Tom Brennan’ and how they deal with aspects of growing up or transitions into new phases of life and a broader world. Character: TOM BRENNAN Experience encountered | Growth, Change or other consequences as a result of the experience | Key quotes | Language identification and analysis | Car accident | Tom wants his old life back prior to the accident and he sees the accident as the end of his life as he knew it. He loses his sense of identity and sense of family in particular.Feels guilty and ashamed about the irrevocable consequences his brother’s irresponsibility had for other people and their familiesRetreats into a depressed state which feels empty and black. | p.5 Thinking about past Australia†¦show more content†¦In many ways, they’d saved my arse.’After seeing Brendan crying over photos of Daniel Tom thinks p.238 ‘†¦but for the first time it helped me look at everything with a bit of distance. ..We were all on our own journey, and some days the traveling was worse than others.’P.165 ‘I took the books out and carefully, page by page, started to remove what I wa nted to copy. With each memory I touched, I felt it gain-that pain, like a sledgehammer slicing through your heart. It hurt so much but it was a good hurt because it wasn’t in vain. This was going to help Daniel. If he had to face a future, then so did I.’p.242 When Tom and Brendan are at the waterhole talking Tom says, ’Gran says we’ve got to leave our ghosts behind.’p.261 Tom describes his relationship with Chrissy, ‘When I was with Chrissy, I was me again. Simple Tom Brennan- no ties, no debt, no guilt, no bad thoughts†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦I missed me, Tom Brennan, and that’s why now I could smile, ‘cause I could see that he was coming back.’ And when Tom and Chrissy are swimming together he says, p.283 ‘You are everything. Everything!...You helped me find my old self. Believe me, that’s everything.’ |Show MoreRelatedMarketing Mistakes and Successes175322 Words   |  702 Pagescases, and illustrate that c ertain successful and unsuccessful practices are not unique. Information Boxes and Issue Boxes are included in each chapter to highlight relevant concepts and issues, or related information, and we are even testing Profile Boxes. Learning insights help students see how certain practices—both errors and successes—cross company lines and are prone to be either traps for the unwary or success modes. Discussion Questions and Hands-On Exercises encourage and stimulateRead MoreStrategic Marketing Management337596 Words   |  1351 PagesAgainst whom are we competing? Identifying and evaluating competitors’ strengths and weaknesses Evaluating competitive relationships and analysing how organizations compete Identifying competitors’ objectives Identifying competitors’ likely response profiles Competitor analysis and the development of strategy The competitive intelligence system The development of a competitive stance: the potential for ethical conflict Summary CONTENTS vii Stage Two: Where do we want to be? Strategic direction

The basque conflict Free Essays

string(36) " order to work out the frozen jobs\." THE BASQUE CONFLICT Undertaking Framework The Basque struggle, rendered more acute by the constitution of a terrorist administration in the 2nd half of the twentieth century, illustrates the modern-day hinderances of an invigorated Europe, concerned with theories of integrating and societal consensus. This undertaking intends to consist a descriptive and theoretical attack, instead than a quantitative analysis based on the materialization of the struggle by the violent incursions of the nationalist group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna ( ETA ) . On the one manus, the first portion compares and contrasts the sui generis Spanish state-building procedure to the thriving A ; lsquo ; imagined community ‘ of Sabino Arana, raised through the patriotism of the nineteenth century, and articulated in relevant facts and figures. We will write a custom essay sample on The basque conflict or any similar topic only for you Order Now On the other manus, the 2nd portion brings the struggle to a modern province of personal businesss, i.e. a scenario of diverse efforts to decrease force and extremism. It considers micro and macro positions and reactions of exogenic histrions to this aggiornamento, and despite the diverse readings of ethnicity, the paper considers the present context of globalization, in which individualities are no longer guaranteed through provinces and boundary lines. Introduction The failings in the procedure of Spanish state-building – to which Basque patriotism is inextricably linked – constitute an simple foundation to understand the rules of ETA ( 1959 ) , as a terrorist administration, and the nature of the nationalist individualities involved in the struggle. In conformity with Linz: A ; lsquo ; Spain [ A ; hellip ; ] is a instance of early state-building, where the political, societal and cultural integrating of its territorial constituents was non to the full accomplished ‘ ( 1973: 33 ) , and as a consequence, its development differs from other European instance surveies in important ways, chiefly due to its dramatic prostration as a colonial power ( Mees 2003 ) . Throughout clip, Spain was downplayed from being the most dominant European colonial power to a insolvent, weakened province with A ; lsquo ; internal jobs of legitimacy, individuality, incursion and engagement ‘ ( Mees 2003: 6 ) . Within this unstable context, the fusion of the disparate districts in Spain resulted in a state missing the instruments of integrating and coherence. Therefore, Spanish patriotism in the nineteenth century remained weak and ne’er became a motion ( Seixas 1993 ) . The Post-Colonial State-Building This procedure involved no common external enemy or national symbols that would advance the thought of an A ; lsquo ; imagined community ‘ ( Anderson 1999 ) : it was non the aggressive nature of Spanish patriotism that fuelled the A ; lsquo ; lastingness of regional and local particularisms ‘ , but its failing ( Mees 2003: 7 ) . The Spanish were ne’er to the full submitted to the thought of state, and remained loyal to their local parts, such as the Basque Provinces, consisting a peculiar and differential civilization, i.e. an cultural community that would subsequently go mobilised as a political state ( Smith 1986 ) . In historical footings, the appropriation of Navarre in the sixteenth century represents the constitution of modern Spain and the domination of Castile over uninfringeable civilizations. Furthermore, the Crown recognised the importance of gestating particular rights to certain parts that became exempt from naming soldiers to the cardinal forces, and were granted a system of Torahs and patterns called fueros – that represented a major right of the Basque population, as they conferred ( since its codification in the seventeenth century ) conditions for decision-making in most political and economic personal businesss, with no intercession from the cardinal authorities ( Osma 1996: 34 ) . However, the development of the Carlist political orientation ( in the nineteenth century ) , desecrated the firm dealingss with Castile ( Flynn 2000: 100 ) , and following its triumph in the 3rd war ( 1872-1876 ) , the Broad Government declared the abolishment of privileges to the Basque Country, inciting a strong opposition. Hence, the struggle in the Basque Country can be interpreted as a reaction to the abolishment of rights and grants granted throughout history, and harmonizing to the patriots: the indignant reaction to the withdrawing of the fueros represented a A ; lsquo ; national waking up ‘ among the Basque people ( Mees 2003 ) . Early on Basque nationalist feeling in the nineteenth century created an hostile political and societal attitude towards the cardinal authorities, with a developing anti-Spanish and breakaway civilization ( Mees 2003: 8 ) . Furthermore, urban industrialization and the inflow of Spanish-speaking laborers were seen to present a menace to Basque civilization, which is highly conservative and based about purely Catholic values, promoting a nationalist feeling ( Woodworth 2001:3 ) . As Basque industrialization occurred chiefly in Biscay, with A ; lsquo ; production of steel, modern shipyards and excavation ‘ ( Conversi 1997: 48 ) , these activities increased the demand for unskilled labor and society decomposition. As an illustration of this phenomenon, the population in Bilbao increased from 35,505 dwellers in 1877 to 83,306 in 1900 ( Atienza 1979: 73 ) – out of the 80 % of immigrants, 50 % were non Basques ( Atienza 1979: 74 ) . The Establishment of an A ; lsquo ; Imagined Community ‘ The nationalist political orientation expanded by Sabino Arana, laminitis of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco ( PNV ) in 1895 ( Mees 2003: 5 ) , followed his perceptual experience of industrialization – and the attendant in-migration to the part – as a menace to Basque civilization. Arana published his book For the Independence of Biscay ( 1892 ) and assisted the formation of the first Batzoki – subsequently the Bizkai Buru Batzar – i.e. an ideological group that worked as a precursor of the PNV ( Elorza 1978: 113 ) . However, after the intercession of Spanish Authorities, Arana was arrested and the party rose as an organized construction, adhering to its pronunciamento ( PNV Manifesto 1906: Volume II ) . Returned to Biscay, after a class of Law in Barcelona – where he was impressed by the Catalan Language and the development of Catalonia after the Renaixen A ; ccedil ; a- Arana ( a cardinal participant of patriotism in the nineteenth century ) was motivated to analyze Euskerab and contribute to the Basque civilization ( Conversi 1997: 74 ) . He took the position that merely absolute independency from the Spanish province would procure lasting felicity and freedom for the Basque people as civilization, history and race needed to be reaffirmed in order to work out the frozen jobs. You read "The basque conflict" in category "Essay examples" As a effect, anything Spanish ( or non-Basque ) would hold to be expelled ( Mees 2003: 803 ) , as following the nationalist feeling, the lone manner to win would be through the creative activity of a A ; lsquo ; nationalist history with deep fabulous deductions, every bit good as nationalist symbols and purification of the Basque linguistic communication ‘ ( Payne 1971: 23 ) . Therefore, in a primary effort to happen the nationalist political orientation, Arana created symbols that included: the name, Euskadi ; the anthem, Gora Ta Gora ; and the flag Ikurri A ; ntilde ; a, adopted by the PNV in 1933. Unlike Spanish fusion, Arana succeeded in making an A ; lsquo ; imagined community ‘ , with history, traditions and civilization unique to the Basque part ( Anderson 1999 ) . Violent Incursions and Peace Attempts Since the early 1990s, the resistance within Basque society to the continuance of the struggle has been steadily increasing: groups of citizens became efficaciously mobilised in an attempt to distribute their pacificist positions throughout the Basque community and construct a new anti-violence consensus ( Funes 1998: 493 ) . Beyond Basque society, they aim at act uponing political leaders, Spanish and Basque authoritiess and at decreasing the power of ETA. As they believe that the people of the Basque Provinces has a duty for the being and the continuity of force, they intend to go a vehicle for peace. These pacificist groups have increased the conditions – both socially and politically – for declaration, though ETA retains the support of a A ; lsquo ; qualitatively important sector of Basque society ‘ ( Funes 1998 ) . On a micro position of external intercession, Gesto por la Paz is composed of 160 subgroups throughout the Basque state and Navarre and organises street presentations that on a regular basis attract 15-20,000 followings ; and Elkarri, with up to 107 subgroups, was founded by members of the patriot left, close to ETA and aims to act upon those who would fall in the terrorist administration or transport out violent onslaughts. The latter attempts to spread out duologue on both sides through conferences, addresss and publications, as both groups look at the Basque people for support in denouncing force and cut downing breakaway extremist motions ( Funes 1998 ) . While groups such as these have done much over the old ages to make conditions for peace, every bit long as there is a minority who sees force as the lone solution, grass-root degree protests have merely a limited impact. There is grounds that Basque society is less and less inclined towards back uping the force of ETA, giving room for optimism, but peace will merely come when the leading of the group comes to see diplomatic negotiations as the manner frontward. There are three of import minutes in the history of ETA as a terrorist group, which halted its activities and brought together the two sides of the struggle. The first minute follows the most intense onslaught against civilians in 1987, when the political parties decided to come in into negotiations with one another, actuating ETA and the authorities to discourse the jobs of the Basque Country, such as: the Pact of Madrid ( 1987 ) , the Pact of Ajuria Enea ( 1988 ) , the Pact of Ardanza ( 1988 ) , and the Pact of Navarra ( 1988 ) . In add-on, the Plan Ardanza ( 1998 ) , created by the President of the Spanish Government, Jos A ; eacute ; Antonio Ardanza Garro, in an effort to work out the state of affairs in the Basque Country, led to a proposal by the PNV and ETA to prosecute a general understanding, in which the parties were committed to convey together the six districts of the Basque Country whereas ETA would declare ceasefire. Second, and sing the incapacity of the Partido Popular ( PP ) and the Partido Socialista Obrero Espa A ; ntilde ; ol ( PSOE ) in deciding the Basque struggle, parties and ideological administrations signed a treaty in Estella, Navarre ( 1998 ) , harmonizing to which they would analyze the acceptance of the same political declarations applied to the Northern Ireland instance. The elections in the Autonomous Basque Community declared triumph of the PNV, and there were many understandings between this party and the PP Government until the secret meeting of 1999 between the two parties, which represented strong contact between ETA and the cardinal authorities. However, for PP, this was a manner to understand whether the terrorist group would be favorable to a definite ceasefire. Therefore, the meeting proved unfruitful and the terrorist onslaughts restarted. ETA declared the terminal of ceasefire in 1999 and following this, the PNV accused the terrorist administration of representing a bad influence on Basque patriotism. On the other manus, ETA published the dialogues with the PNV and confessed the false ceasefire of 1998. The Euskal Herritarrok was favoured by the PNV but decided to abandon the Basque Parliament, go forthing the latter in a political minority. Finally, the 3rd of import arrest in force was the proclamation of a lasting ceasefire from the 24th March 2006 onwards, in order to transport on the dialogues with the cardinal authorities of Jos A ; eacute ; Luis Zapatero ( PSOE ) , who informed the media on the 29th June 2006 that the conditions for an institutional duologue had been met. Chemical reactions of Exogenous Actors In footings of international cooperation by external histrions, the reaction of France to this struggle has been simple, as although in the yesteryear, the Basque leading has chosen to run from that state – due to fewer constabulary pressure- since the 1990 ‘s, it has made an attempt to grok the ETA leading ( Telegraph 2nd March 2002 ) . About all high-level members of the administration have been seized in France, including the suspected leader, Jurden Martitegi, arrested in April of this twelvemonth. However, the significance of the Catholic religion in Basque nationalist look led to another cardinal reaction, as it preceded the intercession of Pope John XXIII, in the Encyclical Letter Pacem in Terris ( 1963 ) . In conformity with this papers, minority groups became widespread throughout the universe but due to some solid grounds in the international province of personal businesss, A ; lsquo ; [ †¦ ] minority peoples are frequently obliged to populate within the districts of a state of a different cultural beginning ‘ ( Pope John XXIII 1963 A ; religious order ; 94 ) . Consequently: This state of affairs gives rise to serious jobs [ and ] so, the best involvements of justness are served by those public governments who do all they can to better the human conditions of the members of these minority groups, particularly in what concerns their linguistic communication, civilization, ancient traditions, and their economic activity and endeavor ( Pope John XXIII 1963 A ; religious order ; 96 ) . This engagement – complemented by the reference of Pope John Paul II to the United Nations ( 1995 ) , where it is stated that the phenomenon of ethnicity A ; lsquo ; must non be underestimated or regarded as a simple left-over of the past ‘ but conversely A ; lsquo ; [ †¦ ] demands serious reading, and a closer scrutiny on the degrees of anthropology, moralss and jurisprudence ( John Paul II 1995 A ; religious order ; 7 ) – entreaties to the sense of regard of established states and constitutes an illustration of international intercessions that protect the involvements of cultural minorities. Although many writers portion these same positions, apostolic intercessions were peculiarly relevant in the spiritual position quo of that part. Furthermore, every bit far as EU declarations are concerned, and sing the terrorist onslaught of 11th March 2004, the European Council carried out a A ; lsquo ; Declaration on Combating Terrorism ‘ ( 2004 ) mentioning to the commissariats of the Charter of the United Nations ( Security Council 1373 of 2001 ) , which states that allowing support to the victims is paramount in the battle against terrorist act. In this model, the EU revised its strategic rules, which included: beef uping a response against terrorist act and its effects ; keeping the entree of terrorists to economic resources ; and maximizing the capacity within the EU organic structures to look into and prosecute terrorists. Furthermore, all Member States would be obliged to move in solidarity in the instance of a terrorist onslaught, call uping all their resources. This step complements the List of Terrorist Organisations – that includes ideological groups of ETA – created by the European Council in 2003. Similarly, the United States of America, following a recommendation to better international coaction by the President of the Spanish Government, Jos A ; eacute ; Mar A ; iacute ; a Aznar, included this administration in their list of terrorist menaces. Decision As an illustration of an cultural struggle, the saving of patriotism and racial individuality in the Basque Country has been guaranteed through force – in the name of its tradition, history and national symbols – by those who perceive ancient heritage as an entitlement to self-government, and see their ethnicity as racially different from the remainder of Spain. Violent incursions were justified on these evidences. In conformity with old considerations, Sabino Arana realised that in order to salvage Basque cultural individuality ( including moral and spiritual values ) , patriotism would necessitate an exclusivist individuality. Therefore, one of the nucleus rules of Basque patriotism became A ; lsquo ; integrity of race ‘ , maintained through extinguishing Spanish influence and migration ( Payne 1971:36-37 ) . In the Catalan and Galician Nationalist motions, rank can be gained through larning the linguistic communication and assimilative civilization. However, those wishing to fall in the PNV had to turn out that their first four family names ( subsequently merely one ) were A ; lsquo ; etymologically ‘ Basque. Therefore, in pattern, Basque national individuality can non be acquired through acquisition of the linguistic communication or practicing of Basque traditions. There is no possibility of non-natives fall ining and as such, it is a really exclusivist motion ( Mees 2003: 12 ) . The Basque patriots encouraged a sense of a alone Basque racial pureness, different from the one of the maketos ( Conversi 1997: 60 ) , there is disapprobation of matrimony between Basques and non-Basques due to the proliferation of Spanish values instead than Basque values ( Flynn 2000: 154 ) and the belief that amp ; lsquo ; compared to the Basques, the Spanish did non even represent a race of their ain, being a mix of many peoples ‘ ( Flynn 2000: 154 ) . There is non merely a strong racial component, but besides a strong spiritual one, with Basque patriots believing that there should be absolute subordination of the political domain to the spiritual one and of the province to the church ( Payne 1971: 38 ) . This racial stance has deductions for immigrants wishing to come and work in the Basque part. Radicalisation has happened at times of mass in-migration by non-Basques into the country, making an anti-migrant civilization within the community and a hatred for anythi ng non-Basque. Race and faith are the nucleus values of Basque Nationalism, non civilization, giving it an highly sole individuality. How to cite The basque conflict, Essay examples

Parable Of The Cave And Road Not Taken Essays - Platonism

Parable Of The Cave And Road Not Taken Taking the High Road "The unexamined life is not worth living," In The Apology, Socrates relates that the most important goal in life is the improvement of the soul. We should search others, our environment, and ourselves so that we may come to a better understanding of the world. The Parable of the Cave tells of the journey that Socrates was trying to relate, in that each person is faced with different realities as we travel to try and reach "the intellectual world." This journey of enlightenment draws close parallels to another piece of literature by Robert Frost. In his poem "The Road Not Taken," he describes how he felt as he came upon the fork in the road and chose to take the road less traveled "and that has made all the difference." The use of life as a journey is nothing new to literature, but with Plato and Frost both show that this journey is not easy and there are many choices along the way that we must make that will determine the quality of the life we will lead. The main factor that drew me to the Parable of the Cave was the way it described our journey through life. It begins by telling us that the reality we initially see when we are chained down in the cave is nothing more than an illusion. This is true in my own life in that I was told by my parents what was right and what was wrong without questioning the reason behind it. They kept a chain of sorts around me so that I was not harmed by all of the realities of the world at once, but rather gradually introduced to them as I grew up. As we are released from bondage, our reality is immediately changed. When we first look toward the light we "will suffer sharp pains;" as we try to adjust to this new reality that is suddenly thrown upon us. The bondage that we experienced in the beginning is no longer there and the full weight of the world is pressed down on us without the help of others and now responsibility for our own actions becomes the controlling factor in our life. The light that first shocked us into reality now causes you to come to a crossroads in life. Looking directly at the light will cause some pain and suffering, but offers a "clearer vision" or "turn away and take refuge in the objects of vision which he can see" and return to the reality of which he was accustomed, but is only an illusion. Many people are scared to face reality and would rather turn back to the shelter that they are comfortable with. Independence and freedom are things these people could live without, so long as they had someone to lead them. Unfortunately, the majority of people fall into this category. They become sheep and require a shepherd to guide them through their lives. The others who can overcome the blinding light are able to ask of themselves what they are trying to accomplish in their lifetime. They may make mistakes along the way, but because they had the strength to try, are able to learn from those mistakes and become more intelligent as they age. Those that never leave the depths of the cave remain in an illusion. "Ignorance is bliss," and these people never want to have to struggle with their lives, but would rather remain without the responsibility the new knowledge would bring them if they were to walk towards the light. The light allows us to see things more clearly and this is the goal that we are trying to reach in our lifetime, but are almost assured of failing. Why then should you constantly fight toward this goal over adversity and hardship only to fail in the end? The journey is the most important part of the trip, not the destination. The things learned along the way will make your life more fulfilling and enjoyable. The Parable of the Cave shows how this journey can be related to our own lives and the struggles we face throughout our lifetime. The journey talked of in The Parable of the Cave has many parallels with the poem by Robert Frost entitled "The Road Not Taken." The last line of the poem reads, "I took the road not taken and that has made all the difference." The road usually taken is the easy

Enzyme Activity Lab essays

Enzyme Activity Lab essays In the investigation, a catalase and an enzyme whose occurrence is widespread in cells, particularly in liver cells was used. The catalase from a fresh calf liver was used. In this lab, catalase and H2O2 were combined under different substrate concentrations 6%, 4%, 2%, 1% and 0.5% with two drops of diluted detergent. Measurements of the volume of O2 released during these reactions were recorded to determine the rate of reaction. The reaction rates of the enzyme in 6%, 4%, 2%, 1% and 0.5% concentration of Hydrogen Peroxide were 1.56 mL/s, 1.54 mL/s, 1.01 mL/s, 0.56 mL/s and 0.23 mL/s respectively. When the liver was added in distilled water and detergent it did not react. It was observed in the lab that the optimum concentration for enzyme activity is when the substrate concentration is 6%. After the optimum substrate concentration is reached, the reaction rate levels off because as the substrate concentration increases the active sites get occupied with the substrate and there are not enough active sites to break down all of the Hydrogen Peroxide molecules. At this point virtually all the active sites are occupied so the active sites are saturated with Hydrogen Peroxide. Increasing the Hydrogen Peroxide Concentration after the point of saturation has been reached will not cause the rate of reaction to go up any more. When the substrate concentration is lower the reaction rate is slower. Enzymes function as biological catalysts, substances that speed up chemical reactions. Chemically, enzymes are proteins and their three-dimensional shape is important to their catalytic activity. Enzymes are highly specific in terms of the reactions they will catalyse. This means that literally hundreds of different enzymes are required to catalyse the many different reactions which take place in your body each day. The breakdown of hydrogen peroxide, H2O2, is speeded up by catalase. Catalase functions to speed the breakdown of peroxides which ...

Good Organization Is Good Strategy With Lindsay Scarpello From OBI Creative

Good Organization Is Good Strategy With Lindsay Scarpello From OBI Creative Does it feel like you are trying to herd cats? Managing your marketing that way is not strategic. Get organized to manage your time, help you predict how long projects will take, and plan ahead to get real results. Today, we’re talking to Lindsay Scarpello, an organizational mastermind with a background in journalism. Marketers need to think like journalists. Learn organizational and time management skills, as well as how processes and workflows are imperative for success. Some of the highlights of the show include: Lindsay’s role at OBI Creative, a research and communications advertising agency Lindsay’s employment background in journalism and marketing Build trust with customers through education and high-quality content Organizational skills needed for marketers to succeed Time Management: You can’t miss deadlines and must be willing to hustle Decipher and present data in a digestible way Find and implement tools to maximize your time; keep using what works for you Lindsay plans ahead to stay organized with her time Be aware of what’s going on by using To Do list apps, notebook, or other tools Build a foundation of organizational skills to boost results and be an investment Organization becomes a habit in your personal and professional life Spend time defining processes to be able to execute them Content Planning Process: Research, build strategy/create steps, receive feedback, and implement How to plan content ahead of time using rules of marketing Be tech savvy and have working knowledge of all Microsoft Office programs Know how your brain works and your company’s goals   Ã‚   Powered by PodcastMotor Actionable Content Marketing powered by By AMP083: Why â€Å"Good Organization Is Good Strategy† With Lindsay Scarpello From OBI Creative 00:00/00:00 1x 100 > Download file Subscribe on iTunes Leave Review Share Links: Lindsay Scarpello OBI Creative Mary Ann O’Brien Wunderlist Evernote Microsoft Office Panda Planner HubSpot Buffer Flywheel AMP on iTunes leave a review and send screenshot to podcast@.com If you liked today’s show, please subscribe on iTunes to The Actionable Content Marketing Podcast! The podcast is also available on SoundCloud, Stitcher, and Google Play. Quotes by Lindsay: â€Å"I think it all goes back to writing. I think being able to write content and create content has been paramount to brand success.† â€Å"In order to engage on social, in order to attract customers, regardless of what kind of customer you have, you have to build trust.† â€Å"You have to be planning ahead because the news doesn’t wait for anyone.†

A Journal opinion article Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 7

A Journal opinion article - Essay Example n of the FED hinted at reducing asset purchases which currently stand at US$85billion according to ‘The Globe and Mail’ online newsfeed, has made investors to pull out their investments out of the emerging markets and prepare to buy the dollars readying to invest in the US markets (Reuters 2013). Domestic problems have not helped the situation get better; the unrests that have been experienced in the mining industry have worsened the strength of the rand. The closer of Lomnin mines unnerved investors forcing the large pull off witnessed in early may, and with the riots not seeming to end anytime soon and the negotiations still in progress, the rand seem likely to remain on low levels for the coming few months. Another issue that is ailing the south African rand is the widening trade deficit that the country has; according to end of April report, the12-month debt levels had reached a staggering ZAR134 billion which is approximately 6.5% of the country’s GDP. With the strikes in the mines and crisis in the Euro zone where South Africa mainly exports its manufactured goods to, the deficit problems is not likely to go away and with it the current trends in the rand are to be maintained. The import market in South Africa has suffered the greatest blow; importers of good from overseas have been forced to increase prices for their commodities, which have trickled down to the citizens in this middle-income country in Africa. Exporters, who some few years back were lobbying the central bank to weaken the rand have also suffered huge setbacks in their business as they have to pay more to import the heavy machineries that are used in mining and manufacturing industries. The South African chamber for commerce is also not very optimistic about the situation as it reported lower confidence levels in the markets in the last two months. Most of the firms that depend on imports and goods for the high-end consumers have had to cut on their costs that includes laying off

Reflection Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 11

Reflection Paper - Essay Example In my final media project, I have selected human sensory organs as the tools to convey the theme of my project. These tools are human eyes, nose, mouth and hands. These images are all paper cutting from different magazines. The participant is asked to paste these images on a blank canvas having blindfolded eyes. The reason for blocking the sight of the participant was actually to make a clear distinction between sight and feeling. Having blindfolded eyes the participant would feel these image cuttings without the help of eyes. The basic reason for putting all the image cuttings on one canvas is to give a brief concept of new media. These days the media is also playing the same role of putting all things at one place. For this reason I have selected this theme to truly present the picture of media. This may include social websites also. These websites, which actually called as the social networking sites are now used for any purpose. Businesses are using them to advertise their products. People use them to expand their social relationships. All the activity has been done blindfolded. Therefore I can assure my viewers that the outcome of this project is the true depiction of the participant’s feelings about the image cuttings. The essence of the project was to feel the image and then paste it on the canvas as they want to see it. I must say that I am successful to achieve my expected outcomes as the resultant canvas is the perfect picture as I expected. There is no regularity in the pasting of the image cuttings of the sensory organs and that is what I want to show that Media is playing the same role. Sometimes there is no connection between content of different programs but still people follow them in a blindfolded manner. The reason for using magazine cuttings as the tool in my media project is that I want to depict media in the form of the magazine. The technique of appropriation says that using one object to convey the message of other and in my

Demographics of Leave and Remain Voters

Demographics of Leave and Remain Voters Does the public portrayal of who voted either way in the EU referendum and why, match the reality of people in north-east London and surrounding areas? Introduction The European Union (EU) referendum on 23rd June 2016 left both the media, politicians on either side of the debate, and professional researchers taken aback at the outcome. Leading up to the voting day there was a large amount media coverage, and comment from politicians and newspapers on why the British public should vote either way.   After the vote there was extensive analysis on why people voted the way they did. Results showed that factors such as gender, age group,  employment,  level of education or training,  ethnic group and where the voters lived, played a key role. The media and researchers also examined the main influences for the public’s vote, and the results ranged across family, friends, colleagues, social media, general media, politicians or entirely longstanding personal views.   These views were often around immigration, the economy, employment, personal identity, national sovereignty, the environment, and national security. This essay will cover these points in further detail, examining studies of why people voted either way, from a variety of sources, including the media, university, and professional research results, before comparing these with a survey taken in north-east London by the author. As London voted overall to remain, with an average of nearly 60% to stay part of the EU and in some areas over 70% (Donovan, 2017)[1], the question of why London’s vote to remain was so much higher than that of the rest of England arises (the rest of the country with only a 46% vote to remain and the overall UK percentage was 48.1%) (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [2].     A conclusion will then be drawn to decide if the public and media portrayal of who voted either way in the EU referendum and why matches with the reality of people in north-east London and surrounding areas.   Reasons for any mismatch will be suggested. Research after the vote There has been a large amount of research on why people voted either way, and it has become clear that different demographic groups had vastly different opinions on EU membership and the option of â€Å"Brexit†.   Results from polling all over the country has revealed deep divisions in the United Kingdom and its constituent countries, most evidently through age and education (Kirk and Dunford, 2016)[3] as well as areas the voters live in.   Opinions on the EU and immigration through membership of it vary greatly, with clear divides based on age, education, and ethnicity. It became evident that white, older, and more lower paid people without high levels of education were much more likely to vote for Brexit than younger people, degree-holders, ethnic minorities, and the more secure middle- and upper-classes (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[4]. Research has also revealed that many of those who voted to leave the EU did so due to a belief that this would lead to improvements in the economy, international investment, and the UK’s influence in the world (Ashcroft, 2016)[5], amongst the other factors.   Ã‚  At the same time many people voted to remain as they felt Brexit would adversely affect these things. Unchangeable factors which may have led to a leave/ remain vote This section focuses on the characteristics of British voters that they have no choice over and have no ability to change. That is to say, who the voter is and how that may have affected their vote, as opposed to their reasoning for voting either way (these being things they may have been influenced into thinking or made a conscious decision to believe).   This section will include: AgeEducationEthnicity Age This had a clear impact on the referendum.   Leaving the EU was strongly supported by the UKs older population with those aged over 60 being the most likely group to want to leave the EU, according the polls before the vote (Kirk and Dunford, 2016)[6]. In the actual referendum, 73% of 18 to 24-year-olds voted to remain, dropping to 62% among 25-34s and the number of remain voters falling again with those aged over 45, only 44% voting to remain. Those aged 65 or over were the age group most likely to vote to leave, with only 40% voting remain (Ashcroft, 2016)[7]. Apart from two, each of the top thirty areas of the UK in terms of aging population voted for Brexit.   Higher pensioner areas showed the largest enthusiasm to leave the EU (Kirk and Dunford, 2016)[8]. Put simply, the older the voters, the more likely they were to have voted to leave the EU. Types of pension also affected the vote decision, with around two thirds of those retired on a state pension voting to leave and more than half of those retired on a private pension. (Ashcroft, 2016)[9] However, it is not as simple as ‘the elder generation’s vote to leave swung it’ as there are many overlaps with other factors.   Even the increase of Leave voters with a state pension rather than private begins to reveal some sort of connection to discontent with the government and public funding, uncovering another layer to why the public voted the way they did. It may seem obvious that older generations would vote to leave as older people tend to hold more conservative attitudes than younger people, but there are many reasons aside from age which pushed the people to vote either to leave or remain in the EU. Research shows higher levels of support for Brexit in areas with not only an older population but with below average levels of education. These places in the UK are more likely than others to encounter deprivation and have seen large amounts demographic change as a result of the inward migration of EU nationals in recent years (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [10].   A combination of all these factors led to an overall vote to leave from a particular area. The author’s own research in north-east London see Appendix E does not completely follow the normal pattern of age, with only 20% of those who voted to leave being 61+, whereas the biggest vote for Brexit was from 41-60-year old’s, with 57% of those who voted to leave being from this age group. The numbers fit for the younger generations with only 17% leavers being 26-40 and 7% being 18-25. The decision for Brexit will affect younger generations more than anyone else in the longer term so may be more inclined to vote to stay apart of the EU for economic reasons (see the section on Economy). The question is why the number of 41-60-year old’s vote to leave was so high in north-east London. It is not clear why this has happened.   It could be the result of an angry baby boomer generation which overlaps with this group, who never experienced the difficulties that not being part of the EU could bring up, whereas an older generation have experienced the long history of conflict which the UK has often been drawn into. In fact the UK was failing economically before it joined the European Economic Community (EEC which later became the EU) in 1973. People might well have forgotten that uncomfortable fact even if they are baby boomers and voted to stay in the EEC in the 1975 vote. However, London is always going to be an anomaly in any comparison with the results from the rest of the UK, as shown later in this essay.   Education   This leads on to the connection between the level of education a person achieved and their decision to vote either way. National media has widely reported that degree holders were more likely to have voted to remain in the EU and most research concurs, showing that the higher the level of education, the higher the EU support, with university graduates being the most likely people to want to stay in the EU. This concurs with the fact that people with GCSE or equivalent as their highest qualification were more likely to vote for Brexit (Kirk and Dunford, 2016)[11]. Within this, those who are still in full time education, whether it is at a lower level or a degree are more likely to vote to remain. (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[12] Research shows that a 57% of those with a university degree voted to remain, 64% with a higher degree and an extremely high 81% still in full time education also voting to remain (Ashcroft, 2016)[13], clearly highlighting how higher levels of education progressively result in higher levels of support for Remain. Of the areas that voted to remain, 92% had above average GCSE results (Scott, 2017)[14]. As with age, qualifications bring about the usual liberal vs conservative attitudes, those with few qualifications tending to remain more socially conservative whilst more highly educated people holding a more liberal perspective on matters (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [15] . This does appear to be true with the high support for Brexit in areas where a large percentage of the population had no qualifications; all the 20 areas considered in the UK ‘most highly educated’ voted to remain and 15 of the 20 ‘least educated’ areas voted to leave while (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [16].    One of the reasons that a more highly educated area may be more inclined to vote to remain in the EU is their ability to take advantage of the globalization the EU offers.   Authors Hanspeter Kriesi, Robert Ford and Matthew J Goodwin believe that the ‘winners of globalization’ are usually highly-educated and qualified whilst the losers tend to possess fewer skills and therefore are extremely challenged by the increased competition or even see their jobs outsourced due to the increase EU immigration. This is supported by the case that  Ã‚   votes to leave the EU were highest in areas where it could be regarded that the majority of people were lower educated and therefore do not necessarily have the skills to prosper in a progressively competitive and globalized economy that works better for those with the required skills. The lower levels of of education may leave these people with a disadvantage in a fast moving economy, and a lack of opportunities in these low skilled areas further marginalizes them in society and really holds them back.   It results in a society which looks on globalized systems such as the EU as a negative thing. (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[17]. Those with an ‘A-level’ or equivalent level of education are the group which compromise the importance of education and bring forward the relevance of area. They are the ones who seem to have been most influenced by their surrounding environment, mirroring those in their community. (In a low-skilled community those with A-levels or equivalent are likely to vote the same way as those with low education and in higher-skilled communities they are likely to mirror the beliefs of those with a degree). This begins to show how vital area was in influencing the outcome of the referendum. This is supported by the fact that people with all levels of education were more likely to vote leave in areas which were considered low-skill as opposed to those considered high-skill (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[18]. My own research very much supports this, with 71% of those who voted to remain having a degree, 18% of those with A levels and only 7% of those at O level or GCSE standard. Ethnicity As much of the campaign to leave the EU was based on fear of immigration (33% of people said the main reason for their vote to leave was to regain control over immigration and Britain’s borders), it is unsurprising that white voters voted to leave the EU by 53% to 47%. Research also shows that 67% of those describing themselves as Asian voted to remain, as did 73% of black voters, highlighting how, on average, non-white voters did not support the leave vote. The importance of this concern over immigration from other countries including EU states (ranging from concern over control through to outright dislike), is supported by the data that those from a white British background voted to leave with 52% but only 31% of those from a white other background voted to leave the EU. (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[19]. The high levels of white British leave voters also show links to national sovereignty, with the desire to ‘take back control of Britain’s borders’, reports say that people who feel very strongly English were highly likely to vote to leave than any other group (71 to 36%). This also underlines the conception of national identity that comes with the feeling of being English rather than British, supporting the fact that English voted 54% to leave (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[20]. The author’s local research does not correlate completely with this.   Non-white British voted mostly in favour of remain, as was expected, 60% of white others voted to remain, 70% of Asian British and 50% of mixed-race British. The only anomaly here is that 60% of Black British voted to leave in the north-east London survey. It is possible that the reasoning for the higher leave vote amongst a local black population is due to likelihood that those who would refer to themselves as ‘black British’ in London are often third, fourth or even further generation immigrants, resulting in a similar sense of national identity to those who are ‘white British’. This could mean that this section of voters in north-east London has seen the more recent influx of other immigrants in the area and therefore hold the same views as the majority of white voters.   Factors for the voter’s decision This section is broken down into the voter’s personal reasoning for their vote as opposed the previous section which focused on the actual voter. In this section the voters may have been open to influence on particular issues and had a choice in whether to believe positive or negative messages or not. This section will include: ImmigrationJobs/ EmploymentEconomyNational SovereigntyLongstanding personal viewsPersonal Identity Immigration As has already been brought up in the section on ethnicity,the issue of increasing immigration both legal immigration from EU states, and illegal immigration from other countries by people travelling into and then through the EU to Britain was widely debated in the lead up to the referendum. EU migrants make up for about half the people who move to the UK for a minimum of a year, increasing from only 21% since Eastern Europe was included in the EU, now making up for more than a third of the UK foreign born population. (Ashcroft, 2016)[21] In 2016, EU migration was about   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   596,000 in total, with around 268,000 citizens from other EU countries migrating to the UK. (Ashcroft, 2016)[22]   Many of those who voted to leave the EU did so with the belief that doing so would bring about a better immigration system and improve border controls. (Ashcroft, 2016)[23] According to research, nearly 90% of those who felt that immigration was bad for the economy supported the vote to leave, but less than 10% of those who thought immigration was good for the economy (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[24].   Those who see immigration as a positive thing and therefore voted remain are also not uncommon. Britain often uses the free movement of people within the EU to its advantage: 1.2 million UK-born citizens work, study, and retire in other EU states. (As an aside, most working in other EU states are professionals, and the largest number of retirees go to France and Spain.) (JRF, 2016)[25] 85,000 in total emigrate abroad per year. (Ashcroft, 2016)[26] This may have been a factor which spurred on some members of the public to vote remain, but clearly it wasn’t significant enough. On average Britain’s immigrant population preferred the remain campaign due to the level at which the leave campaign stressed the importance of decreasing migration across Europe and other countries.   National figures show areas with higher levels of net migration, such as London, voted to remain (Scott, 2017)[27] (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[28]. London is also an area where immigration is undeniably higher than the rest of the country, with just under 40% of Londoners being foreign born and a significantly larger amount being second or third generation immigrants (Kirk and Dunford, 2016)[29]. However, researchers Italo Colantone and Piero Stanig claim that there is no evidence of a connection between the support for Brexit and the proportion of immigrants or new immigrants in an area. (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[30] Other data also supports this, saying that areas which started with relatively few migrants but which saw sizeable increases experienced a sudden influx of EU migrants over the last ten years were often more pro-leave (the leave vote was high in areas such as Redditch, Maidstone, Gravesham and Lincoln, with links to this factor) (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[31]   This shows that if the number of immigrants in an area has seen a sudden increase, there was more likely to be a Leave vote in that area than an area which has had a large number of immigrants for a long time. It suggests that fear of immigration is key (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[32] The public is often afraid that EU migrants tend to come to the UK to work (JRF, 2016)[33], so a sudden increase of immigrants in an area may lead to a loss of job for those who had already been living there.   Residents also often believe that the arrival of new immigrants is a principal contributor to the pressure on services (Travers, 2016)[34]. This shows that the level of migration doesn’t seem to matter but the pace of change over the past decade or so does, suggesting yet again how area plays a significant role on why people vote either way.   Higher-skilled, higher-migrant, low-leave areas include Westminster, Hammersmith & Fulham, and Camden (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[35], also highlighting the importance of area: these have seen significant migrant increase, yet voted in favour to remain also bringing into light the other factors which influenced the area’s votes. Areas which voted to leave witnessed significant demographic change due to the surge of EU immigrants in recent years and are more likely than others to experience deprivation and. (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[36] The author’s research matches what has been said, as the survey taken was in London where a higher migrant population is the norm. Amongst the north-east Londoners that were questioned, 42% of the cited immigration as a key reason for their vote. However, this was not the most common answer, coming third behind employment (52%) and economy (65%) as key reasons which influenced a vote either way. An interesting result, which matches what has been said about areas with higher levels of immigration being less likely to see this as a negative issue, is that 60% of those who chose immigration as a reason for their decision actually voted to remain.   This suggests that they saw immigration as a positive result of remaining part of the EU. This reflects on the importance of area as London’s results are so different to those of the rest of the country. Jobs/ employment Many people’s decision to vote either way in the referendum was spurred on by the subject of employment. This links back to the subject of immigration as the employment rate of EU migrants is high; 82% of working-age EU migrants are employed, with EU migration expanding the UK workforce by around 0.5% a year and putting 6% of the UK workforce under stress of severe reduction by 2018 (JRF, 2016) [37]. The unemployed were much more likely to vote to leave the EU as well as those who felt their financial situation had deteriorated (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[38], because they felt their situation was down to the UK being a member of the EU. This again links back to the issue of area as a whole.   Many areas have experienced a loss of jobs such as mining, docking and seaside jobs, as well as those which involve traditional manufacturing. This has left these places with weak private sectors and a mismatch between skills available and skills needed for the modern economy, resulting in a backlash of resentment toward the EU, (some of the biggest Leave votes were in areas exactly as descried: Stoke-on-Trent, Blackpool, Mansfield and Barking & Dagenham to name just a few). Many believe those who run government have allowed large parts of the country to be left behind (Ashcroft, 2016)[39]. As has been mentioned before, students are more likely, on average to have voted to remain, forming a higher proportion of the population in low leave vote areas. Once the number of students in an area is controlled, the correlation between employment and votes either way becomes much clearer (Clarke and Whittaker, 2016)[40].   Research shows that support for leave was higher for those on a lower pay ( £20,000 per year), than it was for those with incomes of more than  £60,000 per year (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[41]. Overall, when employment is taken in to consideration with a vote either way, it is, on average, those who earn less who voted to leave. However, when taken into consideration with other factors, as in other sections of this essay, the line becomes blurred and it is no longer as simple as that. The north-east London findings research fall very much in line with what others have said, with students more likely to vote to remain than leave by about 20% (with a considerable amount not voting at all), and those who are unemployed voting to leave by about an extra 60%. Those in work were more likely to vote remain and those who had retired vote to leave. This can link back to the importance of age and by extension, education, those who have retired mostly being older and students usually being younger and better educated. Economy The EU is Britain’s largest trading partner, accounting for nearly 45% of UK trade and is the largest source of foreign direct investment (JRF, 2016)[42], so a vote to leave the EU puts into question the economic reasoning behind the decision. 43% of those who voted remain did so as they believed the risk of leaving was too high of a danger for the economy. Only just over 6% said the main reason for their remain vote was that â€Å"when it comes to trade and the economy, the UK would benefit more from being outside the EU than from being part of it† (Ashcroft, 2016)[43] so it is surprising the UK voted to leave.   The UK’s membership fee in 2015 was  £12.9 billion per year which comes to around  £200 per year for each person. Many believe this money would be better spent within the UK, for instance towards public goods and services such as the NHS. In terms of total contribution to the EU budget, the UK pays the highest amount after Germany (JRF, 2016)[44] and it is often argued that the amount the UK pays is too high, and this resulted in many Leave votes. The author’s figures shows that London also saw the economy as a key reason that the UK show either remain or leave the EU. It was the biggest factor influencing north-east Londoners’ vote, with 65% citing this as a reason for their decision. The local research also correlates with other national research. Of those who cited economics as a reason for their vote, 78% voted remain, matching the idea that some feel the UK would do much better economically within the European Union, and those in London feel particularly strongly about this. This may link to the immense centralisation of the UK, politically and in terms of the concentration of the economy, which will be talked about further later in this essay.   This centralisation allows more people within London to see the economic benefits of being a member of the European Union than people in other areas, who may often feeling cut off from what is going on in the city. National Sovereignty The loss of sovereignty inherent in EU membership was also a reason for why people voted to leave. Many believe that other EU countries have too much influence over the laws which affect the UK, convincing several people to vote Leave. These laws include regulations which affect working hours, the environment, financial services, workers’ rights, and even domestic appliances.   Research has shown that 49% of those who voted leave claimed the biggest reason for them wanting to leave the EU was â€Å"the principle that decisions about the UK should be taken in the UK† (Ashcroft, 2016)[45]. International aid has also increased and many think that the problems within the UK require more attention at this time, considering that funding for the Home Office, local government, further education, and housing has been cut by up to 35% (Travers, 2016)[46].   13% of leave voters feared that remaining in the EU would result in the UK having no choice â€Å"about how the EU expanded its membership or its powers in the years ahead† (Ashcroft, 2016)[47], while believing that the UK does not have a fair say in the laws and policies of mainland Europe. The author’s research finds Londoners care less about national sovereignty in relation to their decision to vote remain or leave, with only 19% of the survey results coming back with this being a key reason for their decision.   This again shows how different Londoners opinions are to the rest of the country and highlights problems such as the centralization that fuels the UK but often leaves the rest of the country feeling detached from politics. This will be talked about in more detail in the sections on London and Area. Longstanding personal views Longstanding personal views must be taken into consideration as to why people voted either way in the referendum, as 43% of people said that they were always sure of what they would end up voting or decided early on, whereas only 24% decided their vote within a week of referendum day with 10% deciding the day before, or even on the day of the vote (Ashcroft, 2016)[48]. Although the voters seemed unsure what to decide, both leave and remain voters were equally likely to have chosen what their vote would be on the actual day of the referendum (Ashcroft, 2016)[49]. This suggests that according to the research, longstanding personal views were not the main reason which influenced the outcome of the vote.   The north-east London research showed that 50% of people believed their longstanding personal views were a big part of how they voted, 37% of the people saying it was their sole influence. This could relate to people in London having been in the centre of politics so much that they are more in touch with and understand the situation Britain is in, allowing them to make up their minds sooner.   Ã‚   Personal Identity Personal identity seemed to be the least important issue for most people, with little available research on this section. Just under 17% said their main reason to vote remain was the belief that UK would â€Å"become more isolated from its friends and neighbours† and only 9% said they felt a â€Å"a strong attachment to the EU and its shared history, culture, and traditions† (Ashcroft, 2016)[50], highlighting how little British people feel a connection to their mainland European neighbours and linking back to the idea that those who felt primarily British were more likely to vote to leave the EU.    The author’s data shows that north-east Londoners feel more strongly about personal identity than the rest of the country, with 33% of them citing this as one of the reasons which influenced their vote. It is possible that Londoners feel a stronger connection to Europe than the rest of the country, and explain why the number is higher. Linking back to the fact that the UK is a very centralised country, London has a stronger affiliation with Europe than the rest of the country. It has more relations with mainland Europe due to the nature of many jobs in London, specifically in the city of London, a large amount of which must keep consistent contact and relatively good relations with the rest of Europe. Another reason for the higher percentage of people seeing personal identity as a reason to influence their vote could be the, already discussed, high local immigrant population, especially from other EU countries, resulting in more integration and a more evident personal connection to the rest of Europe.   This will again come up in the sections on London and Area. Other Nationally, gender did not significantly affect the way people voted.   By contrast a stronger possible factor for people voting either way was their feelings of detachment from politics. 70% of leave voters were concerned that ‘politicians don’t care what people like me think’ (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[51]. About 75% of council and housing association tenants preferred the leave vote, (Ashcroft, 2016)[52] but this could be linked to other issues such as employment and the belief that the money spent of the EU should be spent within the UK. Another group who were more likely to vote Leave were those in favour of the death penalty as well as harsher prison sentences in general, and those who are against equal opportunities for women and homosexuals (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [53], but this again could link back to an elder generation as well those who are generally more right wing often voting to leave.    The author’s research taken in north-east London conflicts with what other data says about gender being irrelevant, as 76% of the women voted to remain whereas only 54% of men said the same. This could be due to EU regulations and directives, some of which are particularly in the interest of women and go further than previous UK legislation.   These areas relate to maternity rights, sex discrimination and equal pay, offering woman what some may see as a better deal than men if Britain voted to remain.   Views on this are both positive and negative and it is intuitive that more women would take a positive standpoint. Area Area stands alone to the other sections in this essay as it is neither a conscious reason to vote either way or an unavoidable part of who a person is, but could fit into both parts as has links to both. Most of what has been said so far comes down to area and the structure of UK, the most centralized large democracy in the world, highlighting how, arguably, London cannot and will not in any way reflect the views of the rest of the country. People not living in London feel cut off from the Government, because in fact they actually are, with ministers and other officials living in central London whilst making decisions which effect the rest of the country (Travers, 2016)[54]. This may have led to many of those in areas outside London voting to leave in a protest vote, pointing out that their voices are not being heard and their needs are not being addressed; these areas have been ‘left behind’ by fast economic and social change and were the most likely to vote for Brexit (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [55]. The area in which people live seems to override every other reason for which they voted, for instance, education; people with all levels of qualifications being more likely to vote leave in a lower-skilled area than those in a higher-skilled area, regardless of the level of education they attained. Even though they were less educated and therefore at a natural disadvantage, this was not the only reason they felt marginalized in society and therefore voted Brexit, due to the complete lack of opportunities that were offered in these low-skilled communities (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[56]. Research shows that people living in these low skilled areas also naturally tend to be more conservative as well as identify more strongly with being English rather than British or European and feel more out of touch politically than similar types of people living in high-skilled areas (Goodwin and Heath, 2016)[57]. In areas where there is little opportunity to ‘get ahead’ and the people feel economically disadvantaged and struggle to keep up with other, more highly skilled areas, people were also more likely to vote to leave. These areas have often also seen important changes due to the inward migration of EU nationals (Goodwin and Heath, 2016) [58], reasserting the importance of immigration but showing that area was above that factor in importance when voting.    This all shows the importance of all factors, with area tying other sections together. In some cases, area even comes through as a stronger cause to vote either way, overriding other reasons for why people may have voted, such as education and age. London Consideration must always be taken when comparing polling results with London, where immigration rates are high, with the largest number of migrants in the UK, 1.4 million living in inner London in 2015 and 1.8 in outer (Vargas-Silva and Rienzo, 2017)[59] and with the votes for remain resulting in some of the highest in the country (Scott, 2017)[60]. Votes were swayed towards remain in London, partially due to large numbers of people from immigrant backgrounds (see Factors for the voters’ decisions above. For example, in north-east London boroughs such as Waltham Forest and Hackney clearly voted to remain (by 59.1% and 78.5% respectively).    The BBCs political editor Laura Kuenssberg summed up the situation perfectly, commenting that, London is an island, compared to the rest of the country where the Leave campaign is gaining ground, (Donovan, 2017)[61]. Conclusion  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Does the Public portrayal of who voted either way in the EU referendum and why, match with the reality of people in north-east London and surrounding areas? Overall it is difficult to compare London with the rest of the UK due to the extreme centralization of the country politically and economically, but most results seem to correlate and confirm national trends for particular factors. When it comes to sections such as immigration results vary enormously, but those in London who voted to leave often had other reasons for their vote aside from this. The rest of country feels more detached from politics than London and so votes are naturally more likely to sway to leave but the research has also showed that those in areas with less immigration were more likely to vote leave than those with a large number of migrants, even if they named immigration as one of the top reasons for their vote. This shows that the fear of immigration is more effective than actually living in an area such as London. This can also be linked to the idea that areas with less migrants are less likely to be in large cities and therefore will feel more detached from politics and will be ‘left behind’ in a rapidly globalized country and therefore are searching for someone to blame. Due to the high number of immigrants in London as well as it being the capital with a higher average wage, it is naturally more likely to vote remain so any surveys taken in London will reflect this. Although the parts of north-east London people interviewed were from are not necessarily the most educated areas, the research has shown that although this could sway votes, the area in which the people live is more important and therefore outweighs that, resulting in a less educated person living in London being more likely to vote to remain than a higher educated person in a seaside town. This can also be taken into consideration when it comes to age and other factors.   With this in mind, the north-east London research generally matches with the national public portrayal of who voted either way and why. From the author’s perspective, at the same time it underlines the centralised nature of the UK and the concentration of economic growth in London and the south east. Summary of References Electoralcommission.org.uk, 2017 Electoralcommission.org.uk. (2017). Electoral Commission | Complete set of turnout figures for referendum now published. [online] Available at: http://www.electoralcommission.org.uk/elections/referendums?a=117451 [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Clarke and Whittaker, 2016 Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. Resolution Foundation. Available at: http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/the-important-of-place-explaining-the-characteristics-underpinning-the-brexit-vote-across-different-parts-of-the-uk/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Goodwin and Heath, 2016 Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. JRF, 2016 JRF. (2016). The EU Referendum and UK Poverty. [online] Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/eu-referendum-and-uk-poverty [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Kirk and Dunford, 2016 Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Travers, 2016 Travers, T. (2016). Why did people vote for Brexit? Deep-seated grievances lie behind this vote. British Politics and Policy at LSE. Available at: Why did people vote for Brexit? Deep-seated grievances lie behind this vote [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Scott, 2017 Scott, S. (2017). Did education count in the EU vote?. [online] Schools Week. Available at: http://schoolsweek.co.uk/did-education-count-in-the-brexit-vote/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Ashcroft, 2016 Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Vargas-Silva and Rienzo, 2017 Vargas-Silva, D. and Rienzo, D. (2017). Migrants in the UK: An Overview Migration Observatory. Migration Observatory. Available at: Migrants in the UK: An Overview [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Donovan, 2017 Donovan, T. (2017). EU referendum: Most London boroughs vote to remain BBC News. [online] BBC News. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-eu-referendum-36612916 [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. Appendices Appendix A Schools Week, (2016). The Relationship Between voting Leave and Educational Background. [image] Available at: http://schoolsweek.co.uk/did-education-count-in-the-brexit-vote/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Appendix B Lord Ashcroft Polls, (2016). How Britain Voted by demographic. [image] Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Lord Ashcroft Polls, (2016). When they decided. [image] Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Lord Ashcroft Polls, (2016). The Relationship Between Voting Leave and Educational Background. [image] Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Ashcroft Polls, (2016). Reasons to Leave, Reasons to Remain [image] Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Lord Ashcroft Polls, (2016). Do you think of each of the following being a force for good, a force for ill, or a mixed- blessing? [image] Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Lord Ashcroft Polls, (2016). National Identity. [image] Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Appendix C Resolution Founation, (2016). Four Groups of interest. [image] Available at: http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/the-important-of-place-explaining-the-characteristics-underpinning-the-brexit-vote-across-different-parts-of-the-uk/ [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Resolution Founation, (2016). Leave vote in the local authority, by % of 16-64 year olds with NVQ4+. [image] Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Appendix D Joseph Rowntree Foundation, (2016). Support for leave among different demographic groups. [image] Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 12 Apr. 2017]. Appendix E: Author’s survey in north-east London 30Dec 2016 [1] Donovan, T. (2017). EU referendum: Most London boroughs vote to remain BBC News. [online] BBC News. Available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-eu-referendum-36612916 [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [2] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [3] Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [4] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [5] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [6] Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [7] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [8] Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [9] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [10] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [11] Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [12] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [13] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [14] Scott, S. (2017). Did education count in the EU vote?. [online] Schools Week. Available at: http://schoolsweek.co.uk/did-education-count-in-the-brexit-vote/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [15] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. 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Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [20] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [21] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [22] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [23] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [24] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [25] JRF. (2016). The EU Referendum and UK Poverty. [online] Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/eu-referendum-and-uk-poverty [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [26] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [27] Scott, S. (2017). Did education count in the EU vote?. [online] Schools Week. Available at: http://schoolsweek.co.uk/did-education-count-in-the-brexit-vote/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [28] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [29] Kirk, A. and Dunford, D. (2016). EU referendum: How the results compare to the UKs educated, old and immigrant populations. [online] The Telegraph. Available at: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2016/06/24/eu-referendum-how-the-results-compare-to-the-uks-educated-old-an/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [30] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [31] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [32] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: http://www.resolutionfoundation.org/publications/the-important-of-place-explaining-the-characteristics-underpinning-the-brexit-vote-across-different-parts-of-the-uk/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [33] JRF. (2016). The EU Referendum and UK Poverty. [online] Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/eu-referendum-and-uk-poverty [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [34] Travers, T. (2016). Why did people vote for Brexit? Deep-seated grievances lie behind this vote. [online] British Politics and Policy at LSE. Available at: Why did people vote for Brexit? Deep-seated grievances lie behind this vote [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [35] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [36] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [37] JRF. (2016). The EU Referendum and UK Poverty. [online] Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/eu-referendum-and-uk-poverty [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [38] Goodwin, M. and Heath, O. (2016). Brexit vote explained: poverty, low skills and lack of opportunities. [online] JRF. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/brexit-vote-explained-poverty-low-skills-and-lack-opportunities [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [39] Ashcroft, L. (2016). How the United Kingdom voted on Thursday and why Lord Ashcroft Polls. [online] Lordashcroftpolls.com. Available at: http://lordashcroftpolls.com/2016/06/how-the-united-kingdom-voted-and-why/ [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. [40] Clarke, S. and Whittaker, M. (2016). The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK Resolution Foundation. [online] Resolution Foundation. Available at: The Importance of Place: explaining the characteristics underpinning the Brexit vote across different parts of the UK [Accessed 11 Apr. 2017]. 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